Friday, July 29, 2022

New law in Spain could help families in their search for long lost relatives

Sunday, July 17, 2022

Welcome to California

 


Published in 2018 by the Guttmacher Institute in New York, Abortion Worldwide: Uneven Progress and Unequal Access provides the most current information on the incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancy worldwide, as well as trends since 1990, as women and couples increasingly want smaller families. It examines laws that regulate abortion and how they have evolved, and the current safety of abortion provision. It documents the barriers women face to preventing unintended pregnancies and obtaining safe abortions, and the impacts of unsafe abortion on women’s well-being. This study provides a comprehensive update to findings from the 2009 Abortion Worldwide: A Decade of Uneven Progress.

The situation of induced abortion has changed markedly over the past few decades. This report provides updated information on the incidence of abortion worldwide, the laws that regulate abortion and the safety of its provision. It also looks at unintended pregnancy, its relationship to abortion, and the impact that both have on women and couples who increasingly want smaller families and more control over the timing of their births.


Monday, July 11, 2022

JUBILANT. Pictures of a Career in Education

After a jubilant teaching career of 42 years, I feel it's time to look back with joy and gratefulness upon retirement by sharing these photographs of alumni and colleagues, taken over the last two decades, to celebrate the transforming power of education and the privilege of teaching.

Love was in the air. Two of them met in that class and have been together 
ever since. School of Physics, Seville University. 19.05.2004

The enthusiasm of beginners. Engineering School. 23.05.2005

A passion for education. B2 students at the ETSI. 13.05.2005

Relax and enjoy. End of term smiles. ETSI, 14.05.2009

Out for a drink at the Alameda on the last day of classes.14.05.2009

Running into a former student at Seville 2009 Pride March


A bit of staging at the foot of the flag-inspired Expo 92
European Union Pavilion. 13.05.2010

Learning English with films in English. 26.11.2010

Posing by the Lucca poster, at ETSI Room 202. 20.05.2011

After watching the film THE HELP at the Avenida Cinema, 8.12.2011

Self-explanatory. Classroom at UNC Chapel Hill. 24.04.2012

LDOC at UNC-Chapel Hill. 25.04.2012

Pair Work in B1. ETSI Room 203. 26.05.2012

The Human Factor at the Teatro Central terrace. 9.05.2013 

B2 Students behind the windows of Room 201 at ETSI. 20.02.2014

After Bonus Class for Keen B2 Students with Baby Child at ETSI. 14.07.2014

   Running into students at Seville Pride. 28.06.2015

With students and colleagues to see film THE MARTIAN. 28.10.2015

Volunteering for Europe. Giving a talk to secondary school students from the 
IES Triana, on behalf of the European Commission and the idea of a united 

My colleague Laura's gorgeous home-made cupcakes at 
the end of term. 
Already missing you.12.07.2017

Three Techies. Thanks for posing, guys. 24.05.2018

Thumbs up! Great B2 group and best classroom ever. Taken just weeks 
before the Covid-19 pandemic and social distancing. 14th, November 2019

The Power of Cinema: Taking students and alumni to see 
Jane Campion's masterpiece The Power of the Dog. 23.03.2022

Having drinks with my last students at the Alameda to celebrate 
the end of classes and of my teaching career. 26.05.2022

Co-workers from different languages and departments at the farewell do. 
I shall proudly remember that day! Aula Verde, Instituto de Idiomas, 11.07.2022 

Jubilate, don't hesitate. Cake, flowers and more. Darling colleagues
Laura and Felicia, Masters of my Retirement Ceremony. 11.07.2022

Sunday, July 10, 2022

Normal People_series

Normal People is an Irish drama television series of twelve 30-minute episodes produced by Element Pictures for BBC Three. Based on the novel of the same name by Sally Rooney, and stunningly directed by Hettie Macdonald, the series follows the relationship between Marianne Sheridan (Daisy Edgar-Jones) and Connell Waldron (Paul Mescal), as they navigate adulthood from their final days in secondary school iCounty Sligo, on Ireland's Atlantic coast, to their undergraduate years in Trinity College, Dublin

The focus is mainly on Connell's and Marianne's weaving in and out of each other's romantic lives. Among her peers at secondary school Marianne is regarded as an oddball, though she rejects having any care for social standing. Her home life is complicated by her irritable mother Denise and resentful brother Alan in the face of her high academic standing. Her father is deceased and is revealed to have been a domestic abuser—something her family avoids in conversation. Connell is a handsome, high-achieving athletic student living with his single mother Lorraine, who is employed by Denise as a cleaner. He is popular in the school community, though he is diminished by his remaining silent during the bullying of Marianne. This creates complexity as their relationship develops. 
Beautifully shot, in the best BBC tradition, both leading actors give a mesmerizing, outstanding performance. Mescal and Edgar-Jones simply have chemistry on camera, mostly in those long close-ups. A captivating minimalist score giving structure to the story line. Twelve bingeable episodes. A must-see series.

Sunday, June 26, 2022

Tunnel 29

The Tunnel is a 77-minute black-and-white documentary film that chronicled how three West Berlin university students organized the escape of 29 friends and family members by digging a tunnel underneath the Berlin Wall from a former factory in West Berlin into the Communist East. It was shot by NBC cameramen and first aired in the US on December 10th, 1962. It was produced by Reuven Frank and narrated by Piers Anderson. Breathtaking to watch 60 years later! Mind-blowing viewing!

I also recommend the BBC Radio 4's Tunnel 29 podcast series by Helena Merriman, released in October 2019, and her book Tunnel 29 (Hodder and Stoughton, 2021), where the whole story is told amazingly, and which is being turned into a mini TV series by the producers of Chernobyl. Unputdownable!

Sunday, May 22, 2022

Reality check: the Northern Ireland protocol isn’t the problem, Brexit is

The Tories are addicted to conflict with the EU, for fear of taking responsibility for the consequences of liberation

By Rafael Behr
The Guardian, 17 May 2022

The Conservative party was happy with Brexit, but not for long. A deal that was great in 2019 is now not great. What could fix it? What change would bring enduring satisfaction? The answer is obvious to anyone familiar with the patterns of English Euroscepticism – nothing. There is no concession big enough, no deal good enough, just as no single fix can end the cravings of a drug addict. The long-term solution is to get sober.That is not on Liz Truss’s agenda. On Tuesday, the foreign secretary informed parliament of a government plan to assert its own version of the Northern Ireland protocol. That is a threat designed to prod the EU into renegotiating the 2019 withdrawal agreement, which was itself the outcome of a renegotiation made necessary because Theresa May had done a deal that Conservative MPs also didn’t like.

One reason continental leaders don’t want to talk about changes amounting to a new treaty is their certain knowledge that the Tories would be dissatisfied again soon enough. Another reason is that a revised deal would involve trusting Boris Johnson, which EU governments have done before and which no one does twice.

Truss’s account of the problem in Northern Ireland elides frustration with border checks across the Irish sea and a wider complaint about the residue of EU jurisdiction in Northern Ireland that Brexit hardliners see as a stain on UK sovereignty. She is egged on by Tory backbenchers who are convinced that the protocol was foisted on Britain; that it amounts to a regulatory land-grab and that its provisions are applied with pernickety spite as punishment by Brussels of an ex-colony that had the temerity to break free.

Believing that version of events requires two psychological traits that come easily to the fervent Eurosceptic. One is a capacity to forget that every problem currently associated with Brexit, including the specific danger in Northern Ireland, was signalled by remainers and dismissed with contempt as scaremongering by leavers. The other is a need to still feel victimised by Brussels even after leaving the EU, since ending that ordeal removes any excuse for Brexit not delivering its promised bounties.

That is the addiction – the sadomasochistic compulsion to be oppressed by foreigners for fear of taking responsibility for the consequences of liberation.

It is true that customs checks in the Irish Sea are a symbolic injury to unionist feeling in Northern Ireland. But it is also true that Johnson knowingly inflicted that injury, denied he had done it, then whipped the grievance up when he should have been hosing it down. A constitutional crisis at Stormont was not prefigured in the letter of the protocol, but it was made likely by the prime minister’s irresponsible and negligent handling of the politics of the protocol from the day he signed it.

Meanwhile, if Tory backbenchers had not found all the resentment they needed in Northern Ireland, they would have gone hunting for reasons to be dissatisfied with Brexit in England instead.

One of Johnson’s complaints about an Irish Sea border, as expressed in an interview earlier this week, was that regulatory checks create “extra barriers to trade and burdens on business.” That generates “a great deal of faff and botheration”, which increases living costs. Those barriers are uniquely upsetting to Northern Ireland unionists on the level of national identity, but the faff and botheration incur costs also at Dover, Grimsby, Felixstowe; any place where goods move between Britain and the EU.

In other words, the prime minister’s economic rationale for wanting to fix the Northern Ireland protocol contains a complaint about conditions that are intrinsic to the Brexit model he chose.

That is yet another reason why no one in Brussels wants to reopen the 2019 deal. The negotiation would founder on first principles. Brussels says that if Britain is no longer automatically applying EU rules, it must prove that its exports comply. The Brexit ultras think that Brussels is only imposing that requirement out of petty vindictiveness and that the very Britishness of British standards should be sufficient guarantee of quality. That has been the impasse in every chilly phone call and deadlocked meeting between the two sides since 2016.

The Tories cannot budge on that point because doing so would involve accepting two indisputable facts about Brexit. First, exiting the single market was bad for UK businesses (and the losses are not made up by free-trade deals with other countries). Second, Britain had the levers to steer EU policy as a member state and surrendered that power when it left.

No minister serving in the current cabinet can admit those truths. Until that changes, UK policy towards the EU will amount to little more than rattling the cage of delusion that Brexit imposes on its believers. Some Eurosceptics find perverse pleasure in captivity, but that is their fetish and not something anyone else needs to indulge.

When policies fail on such a Titanic scale, it is usual to have some debate about a change of direction. That isn’t happening, because the opposition has no alternative destination in mind, or none that it advertises in public.

Keir Starmer is mindful that his support for a second referendum back in the day is still a vulnerability in constituencies where the Tories want to drive Brexit ever deeper as a wedge between Labour and its estranged core voters. One function of Truss’s bill overriding the Northern Ireland protocol is that anyone opposing it can be cast as an unrepentant remainer.

Labour’s absence from the conversation is not only metaphorical. Two opposition seats on the European scrutiny committee, which notionally holds the government to account on EU matters, are effectively vacant because the Labour MPs who sat there have moved on to frontbench jobs, and haven’t been replaced.

Labour strategists take the view that sanity in EU policy only becomes available by winning an election fought on other issues – things voters actually care about – and not by dancing to a drum that Johnson beats to distract from all his other failures. That is probably true. But it means the parameters of Brexit debate are set by marginal differences between maniacs and hardliners over the optimal pace for fleeing reality.

It is a formula for perpetual crisis. The constitutional mess that Johnson has made of Northern Ireland is so far the gravest episode, but unlikely to be the last. The problem isn’t that the protocol cannot be made to work as written, but that it was written to enact a Brexit that doesn’t work.

Wednesday, May 18, 2022

A Message from Premier League Footballer Jake Daniels


This season has been a fantastic one for me on the pitch. I’ve made my first-team debut, scored 30 goals for the youth team, signed my first professional contract and shared success with my team-mates, going on a great run in the FA Youth Cup and lifting the Lancashire FA Pro-Youth Cup. 

But off the pitch I’ve been hiding the real me and who I really am. I’ve known my whole life that I’m gay, and I now feel that I’m ready to come out and be myself.

It’s a step into the unknown being one of the first footballers in this country to reveal my sexuality, but I’ve been inspired by Josh Cavallo, Matt Morton and athletes from other sports, like Tom Daley, to have the courage and determination to drive change.        

In reaching this point, I’ve had some of the best support and advice from my family, my Club, my agent and Stonewall, who have all been incredibly pro-active in putting my interests and welfare first. I have also confided in my team-mates in the youth team here at Blackpool, and they too have embraced the news and supported my decision to open up and tell people.   

I’ve hated lying my whole life and feeling the need to change to fit in. I want to be a role model myself by doing this.

There are people out there in the same space as me that may not feel comfortable revealing their sexuality. I just want to tell them that you don’t have to change who you are, or how you should be, just to fit in.

You being you, and being happy, is what matters most.

Jake Daniels

Tuesday, May 10, 2022

Yes, Europe is in danger. It always is.

By CAROLINE DE GRUYTER

The New York Times, Tuesday, May 3, 2022

BRUSSELS — In July 2020, along with European officials and experts, I was asked to take part in a policy game. Convened by a German think tank, we were asked to play out what would happen if either Matteo Salvini or Marine Le Pen, the far-right leaders in Italy and France, came to power. We spent a few hours frenziedly debating how the European Union would respond to each occurrence. Of one thing we were sure: It would be a disaster.

Neither scenario, of course, materialized. In Italy, Mario Draghi is prime minister and Mr. Salvini is sliding in the polls. In France, President Emmanuel Macron defeated Ms. Le Pen to win re-election. On the same day, Slovenia’s right-wing prime minister, an admirer of Donald Trump, lost too. It was a good few hours for Europe.

That’s about as long as it lasted. In Brussels and other European capitals, relief turned quickly to angst. The French parliamentary elections in June, in which Mr. Macron could lose his majority and be forced into awkward compromises with the far right or the radical left, are the new worry. Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, after securing re-election in early April, remains a disruptive presence on the scene. And Russia’s war in Ukraine grinds on.

Such anxiety is common in Europe. Many people seem to think that the European Union, which in different forms has provided Europeans with prosperity and peace since the 1950s, is always on the cusp of ruin. The past decade — encompassing a debt crisis, a refugee crisis, Brexit, the rise of the far right and, not least, the pandemic — has set off regular cries about the coming end of the union. And yet, despite everything, it endures. In a world of war and calamity, it needs to pull together even more.

The European Union’s solidity is perhaps its greatest asset. But it can’t rely on institutional stability alone. Europe is a dangerous place again. As a former prime minister of Sweden, Carl Bildt, once said, the union used to be surrounded by friends, but now it is surrounded by fire. Some neighbors are actively trying to undermine the union and destroy all that Europe stands for — with the war in Ukraine the latest terrifying example. In the face of such peril, which threatens to return the continent to barbarism, the case for binding together more tightly is all the more compelling.

Fortunately, Europeans have gotten to know one another better in recent times. During the debt crisis a decade ago, people across the continent watched heated debates in Greece’s Parliament. The fate of the country, bound to painful economic reforms, resonated far beyond its borders. Europeans likewise take great interest in Poland and Hungary curbing the independence of their judiciaries and press, and want the rule of law to be respected in member states.

Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine, and China’s growing economic and political coercion, have brought Europeans together even more. They realize they cannot weather these storms alone: Feeling their way of life is on the line, their reflex is to stick together. They may still not be very happy with the European Union — the way it works, the kinds of compromises it relies on — but they are certainly happier in it.

Such common feeling is of a piece with the union’s structure. The European Union has a federal, statelike construction that should be strong enough to defend common European interests in the face of geopolitical adversity. It has an executive (the Commission), a Parliament representing citizens, a senate representing states (the Council), an independent court of justice, a central bank and even a common border guard. This sturdy federal architecture is the bedrock of Europe’s stability.

In practice, however, it’s not like the federal structures in America or Germany. In Brussels, the de facto capital of the union, member states make most of the decisions. When European heads of state and government meet, they do so as national leaders. They are elected to act in the interests not of Europe but of their own nations. Whatever the issue at hand, they sit down, put their national concerns on the table and start bargaining. In the end, each will find some of its demands in the eventual compromise.

The system certainly has its advantages. It more or less guarantees national ownership of European decision-making; every member recognizes its fingerprints on the final agreement. This sense of ownership helps to explain why the union has survived so many crises in recent years: Member states have invested in it, depend on it and, crucially, want it to survive. But the downside to this approach is that by seeking consensus on almost every issue, Europe becomes as strong only as its weakest link. Leaders regularly make half-baked decisions because some countries refuse to go further, with results that do not always meet Europe’s real needs.

Examples are legion. Hungary, for instance, has blocked several foreign policy statements against Russia or China that all other member states agreed on. Poland, for its part, has single-handedly diluted Europe’s climate goals. And before the presidential elections in France, the government there delayed a decision on a European oil embargo against Russia, fearing the resulting rise of energy prices could favor Ms. Le Pen in her campaign against Mr. Macron. Often, Europe is the plaything of member states seeking to promote their own narrow interests. Mr. Macron, however “pro-European,” is no exception.

That’s why elections often cause such headaches. Democracy, to be sure, is Europe’s strength. It is the union’s core value, its beating heart. But democracy is also Europe’s weakness. That’s because the union is not really European: Instead, it involves 27 separate national democracies. If one of them produces a Eurosceptic government, it can endanger the entire European project, which depends on unanimity. The union is effectively held hostage every time elections are held somewhere — hardly a sustainable way to do things.

The French election, Mr. Macron said, was “a referendum on Europe.” The problem with Europe is exactly that: Every election is a referendum about Europe, in every corner of the continent. It would be strange if a state election in Montana or Mississippi risked undoing the Republic or derailing its foreign policy. In Europe, this is normal practice. That’s partly why, despite its success as a global economic powerhouse and a beacon of stability, Europe often lacks confidence and looks vulnerable in the mildest headwind.

Yet this paradox needn’t be permanent. In a world defined by instability, great power competition and rising prices, Europe must look after itself — and it has the means to do so. A phased embargoon Russian oil, likely to be finalized this week, is just a start. In the wake of the war in Ukraine, collective provision of defense and security is also a must, as is an energy union. What’s more, some kind of fiscal union — augmenting the current monetary union — might also be necessary, to coordinate the serious investments needed to shore up Europe’s resilience. Recognizing the need for bolstered unity, a group of European intellectuals last week even called for a United States of Europe.

I’m not sure the union will ever come to that. But it would be nice if at the policy game in Berlin this year, instead of fretting over worst-case scenarios, we could perhaps let ourselves imagine a bolder, stronger European Union. If we could all allow Europe to stand a little more on its own feet, it would make a world of difference.

Sunday, May 08, 2022

BITTE LACHEN / PLEASE CRY

Barbara Kruger

Bitte Lachen / Please Cry

29.04.2022 to 28.08.2022 
Neue Nationalgalerie, Berlin


The Neue Nationalgalerie presents Barbara Kruger's first institutional solo exhibition in Berlin. The American conceptual artist has developed a site-specific text installation for the Neue Nationalgalerie’s upper-level exhibition hall, making use of the entire space. The work seeks to engage visitors in public discussion about political and social topics.

In an expansive text installation, Barbara Kruger combines her own texts with quotes by three authors ‒ George Orwell, James Baldwin and Walter Benjamin ‒ whose writings each address major political issues: the violence of totalitarian states, the mechanisms behind societal discrimination and the dangers of biased historiography.

Through the stark graphic impact of her texts, reduced to just three colours (black, white and red), Kruger succeeds in introducing her own artistic language into Mies van der Rohe’s massive building. Aside from the topicality of the texts and their subject matter, the invitation extended to Barbara Kruger to develop this work also pays homage to her outstanding artistic contributions, whose feminist and political approaches have strongly influenced the art of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

State and Totalitarianism

At the centre is a sentence borrowed from Orwell’s book 1984: "If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face ‒ forever."

This nightmarish vision of a totalitarian state originated from Orwell, directly following the Second World War. The statement was intended as a reckoning and reflection on the National Socialist dictatorship in Germany. In his novel 1984, Orwell issued a universal and timeless warning to society to question and criticise any form of state violence and control. By citing this well-known quote, Barbara Kruger also recalls the universal dangers that can arise at any time from repressive structures and nations. Given the current war in Europe, this warning about violence brought about by a totalitarian state seems all the more prescient.

Consumerism and Affirmation

The literary quotes are accompanied by short texts written by the artist that have been adopted from social media news. They address visitors directly and refer to the discrepancies between self-perception and self-alienation, for instance, “Please cry” or “Is that all there is?”. In contrast to Mies van der Rohe’s classical and austere architecture, Kruger employs her own distinctive aesthetic while fundamentally questioning the consumer-oriented, uncritical ways of life that characterise many of today’s societies.

The Artist Barbara Kruger

Barbara Kruger (b. 1945) has been known since the 1970s for her large-scale graphic works featuring sharply worded statements or short texts, which she uses to examine and interrogate common social stereotypes from a feminist and consumerism-critical perspective. She addresses how images and ideas are circulated and perceived today.